Showing titles in Comparative

Dieser Band versammelt einige der klügsten und engagiertesten Köpfe aus den gesellschaftlichen Bereichen, über die sie schreiben. Jeder Beitrag zeichnet nach, welche Spuren die neoliberale Spielart des Kapitalismus dort hinterlassen hat, aber auch die Stellschrauben, die uns zur Verfügung stehen, um mit dieser Logik zu brechen.

Appointments to the United States Supreme Court are now central events in American political life. However, this has not always been the case. As late as the middle of the twentieth century, presidents invested little time and effort in finding and vetting nominees. Media coverage was desultory, public opinion was largely non-existent, and the justices often voted independently and erratically.

How powerful is the President of the United States? For many scholars, this is a question that can be answered only by considering factors outside the office itself, such as the president's popularity, personal clout, political talents, or institutional relationships. In The Isolated Presidency, Jordan T. Cash reframes this question to instead ask what authority is available to all presidents.

The US government has always invested federal, state, and local dollars in public health protection and prevention. Despite this public funding, however, Americans typically believe the current system is predominantly comprised of private actors with little government interference. In Grow and Hide, Colleen M. Grogan details the history of the American health care state and argues that the public has been intentionally misled about the true role of government.

Why do politicians engage in nasty politics? Why do they use insult, accusations, intimidation, and in rare cases violence against their domestic political opponents? In Nasty Politics, Thomas Zeitzoff answers these questions by examining this global political trend in the US, Ukraine, and Israel and looking at how key leaders such as Trump, Zelensky, and Netanyahu use it. Nasty Politics highlights how it influences the kinds of politicians who run for office and deepens our understanding for why so many politicians now rely on outsized anger and withering insults for political gain.

The 2016 election of Donald Trump focused people's minds on populism, and most of the attention paid to the subject since has been on the threat it poses to wealthy democracies. In Democracy Unmoored, Samuel Issacharoff takes a far wider-angle view of the phenomenon, covering countries from across the globe: Brazil, Poland, Argentina, Turkey, India, Hungary, Venezuela, and more. Just as importantly, he focuses on populism's attack on the institutions of governance.

'Engrossing . . . has the vice-like grip of a thriller' - The Telegraph 'Fascinating, timely and sharp' - Simon Sebag Montefiore In Assad: The Triumph of Tyranny, Con Coughlin, veteran commentator on war in the Middle East and author of Saddam: The Secret Life, examines how a mild-mannered...

Revolution and Dictatorship explores why dictatorships born of social revolution—such as those in China, Cuba, Iran, the Soviet Union, and Vietnam—are extraordinarily durable, even in the face of economic crisis, large-scale policy failure, mass discontent, and intense external pressure.

Quando noi italiani pensiamo alla nazione che vorremmo diventare, cosa ci viene in mente? Probabilmente vorremmo avere un'economia in grande crescita e la piena occupazione: un paese in cui chiunque voglia lavorare possa farlo. Vorremmo avere le migliori università del pianeta e bellezze naturali adeguatamente valorizzate, prodotti culturali dall'influenza globale e la possibilità di definire «made in Italy» non solo un paio di scarpe ma anche un'app capace di costruire il futuro e un'idea che sappia cambiare il mondo.

Not only do individuals have core beliefs about what the government should or should not do, but individuals have become more likely to support the party that best matches their policy attitudes by both identifying as a member of that party and voting for that party in elections. However, as Zingher demonstrates, voters' ability to match their attitudes to a party or candidate varies according to signals sent by elites and increases as parties become more polarized.

In his book, Peter Hitchens describes the misjudgements made by politicians over the years that have led to the increase of class distinction and privilege in our education system. This is of course the opposite of what was intended, especially by former Minister of Education Shirley Williams and Margaret Thatcher, her successor in that role, who closed down many more Grammar Schools than Williams.

We Are Not One People is a bold, pathbreaking, and far-reaching account of disunionists from 1776 to the present who wanted, as phrased in the Declaration of Independence, "to dissolve the political bands" connecting them to other Americans.

Oggi siamo subissati da informazioni in ogni momento, in ogni luogo, come mai era accaduto prima. Ma se una volta c’erano professionisti del settore a fungere da filtro tra notizia e fruitore, con l’avvento dei social oggi ognuno di noi si ritrova di fatto abbandonato a se stesso. Se in qualche caso il problema è distinguere il vero dal falso, in altri il punto è semplicemente riuscire a capirci qualcosa. Perché l’informazione, anche quella più sana e fedele ai fatti, ha un grande ma inevitabile difetto: dà per scontato che si sappia di che cosa si stia parlando.

COVID-19 is the biggest public health and economic disaster of our time. It has posed the same threat across the globe, yet countries have responded very differently and some have clearly fared much better than others. Peter Baldwin uncovers the reasons why in this definitive account of the global politics of pandemic. He shows that how nations responded depended above all on the political tools available—how firmly could the authorities order citizens' lives and how willingly would they be obeyed? 

Is our democracy corroding? In this original, eloquent essay, Waleed Aly and Scott Stephens explore the ethics and politics of public debate—and the threat it now faces. In a healthy society we need the capacity to disagree. Yet Aly and Stephens note a growing tendency to disdain and dismiss opponents, to treat them with contempt. This toxic partisanship has been imported from the United States, where it has been a temptation for both left and right.

Estados Unidos como potencia económica es objeto de deseo mundial. Tanto entre las elites, que lo ven como lo más cercano a la utopía del libre mercado, la competencia y la privatización, como entre los más pobres, embebidos por un incesante imperialismo cultural que les graba a fuego el American Dream de la tierra de las oportunidades. Sin embargo, la realidad difiere bastante de la imagen que Washington proyecta ante el mundo, especialmente en el caso de la clase media y trabajadora.

Para aquellos que vivimos en su día la caída del Muro de Berlín y el colapso de la Unión Soviética, la situación actual nos plantea un enigma sorprendente: ¿cómo es posible que el mundo occidental, que había salido victorioso de la Guerra Fría, haya terminado perdiendo la partida ante las fuerzas antidemocráticas, tanto internas como externas? ¿Cómo es posible que la propia democracia liberal esté dando cada vez más muestras de colapso en Occidente, mientras en el resto del planeta resurgen con fuerza los totalitarismos que creíamos derrotados?

Backed by Brazil’s wealthy agribusiness groups, a growing evangelical movement, and an emboldened military and police force, Jair Bolsonaro took office in 2019. Driven by the former army captain’s brand of controversial, aggressive rhetoric, the divisive presidential campaign saw fake news and misinformation shared with Bolsonaro’s tens of millions of social media followers.

Most Americans were shocked by the violence they witnessed at the nation's Capital on January 6th, 2021. And many were bewildered by the images displayed by the insurrectionists: a wooden cross and wooden gallows; "Jesus saves" and "Don't Tread on Me;" Christian flags and Confederate Flags; even a prayer in Jesus's name after storming the Senate chamber. Where some saw a confusing jumble, Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry saw a familiar ideology: white Christian nationalism.

"I dag går Venstre og Dansk Folkeparti hånd i hånd i kynisk spekulation i at bekræfte fordomme og bygge modsætninger op. Os mod de andre. Som i andre lande udnyttes angsten for at tabe identitet. Det er trist at overvære, hvordan nogle af Venstres topfolk bruger gammelt grundtvigiansk tankegods som en slags åndelig legitimitet. Det er både uliberalt og usolidarisk. Og jeg ville ønske, at jeg også kunne kalde det udansk. I hvert fald er det ueuropæisk. For vi europæere findes i mange udgaver. Og bor hulter til bulter.