Showing titles in Democracy

What if the American experiment is twofold, encompassing both democracy and tyranny? That is the question at the core of this book, which traces some of ways that Americans across the nineteenth century understood the perversions tyranny introduced into both their polity and society.

America's political parties are hollow shells of what they could be, locked in a polarized struggle for power and unrooted as civic organizations. The Hollow Parties takes listeners from the rise of mass party politics in the Jacksonian era through the years of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Today's parties, overbearing and ineffectual, have emerged from the interplay of multiple party traditions that reach back to the Founding.

Scholars persist in framing the Cold War as a battle between left and right, one in which the Global South is cast as either witting or unwitting proxies of Washington and Moscow. What if the era is told from the perspective of the many who preferred reform to revolution? Scholars have routinely neglected, dismissed, or caricatured moderate politicians. In this book, Allen Wells argues that until the Cuban Revolution, the struggle was not between capitalism and communism—that was Washington's abiding preoccupation—but between democracy and dictatorship.

Liberal democracy in America has always contained contradictions—most notably, a noble but abstract commitment to freedom, justice, and equality that, tragically, has seldom been realized in practice. While these contradictions have caused dissent and even violence, there was always an underlying and evolving solidarity drawn from the cultural resources of America’s “hybrid Enlightenment”. James Davison Hunter, who introduced the concept of “culture wars” 30 years ago, tells us in this new book that those historic sources of national solidarity have now largely dissolved.

How a band of antislavery leaders recovered the radical philosophical inspirations of the first American Revolution to defeat the slaveholders' oligarchy in the Civil War.

The effort to destroy facts and make America ungovernable didn't come out of nowhere. It is the culmination of seventy years of strategic denialism. In On Disinformation, Lee McIntyre shows how the war on facts began, and how ordinary citizens can fight back against the scourge of disinformation that is now threatening the very fabric of our society.

Do autor de O povo contra a democracia, uma análise sobre como podemos criar democracias estáveis e funcionais. Incluído na lista de leituras de Barack Obama. Algumas democracias são altamente homogêneas; outras são marcadas por uma hierarquia racial ou religiosa brutal — e nunca se viu...

Уолтер Липпман (1889–1974) – американский писатель, журналист, пропагандист и социолог, один из творцов современного американского либерализма, двукратный лауреат Пулитцеровской премии. Принимал активное участие в предвыборной кампании американского президента Вудро Вильсона и в разработке "Четырнадцати пунктов" – американской программы послевоенного развития мира. Во время Первой мировой войны занимался вопросами пропаганды и написал бессчетное количество листовок и статей, однако позже был отстранен Вильсоном от работы из-за идеологических разногласий.

McDonald shows that perceptions of compassion in candidates for public office are based on the number and intensity of commonalities that bind citizens to political leaders. Commonalities can come in many forms, such as a shared experience, a shared emotion, or a shared identity. Compassion may be universal, such as when candidates convey empathy to all individuals who are struggling. Or compassion may be exclusionary, such as when candidates express a preference for some groups over others.

"Demokratie darf kein Luxus sein. Sondern Grundlage von allem – in unseren Schulen und in unserer Gesellschaft. Dafür werde ich kämpfen wie eine Löwin." Die Psychologin und Bildungspolitikerin Marina Weisband ist davon überzeugt, dass Demokratie gelernt werden muss. Sie nur zu wollen, reicht definitiv nicht aus. Mit Demokratieförderung kann gar nicht früh genug begonnen werden, deshalb geht Marina Weisband in Schulen und arbeitet in verschiedenen Projekten mit Kindern und Jugendlichen. Denn unsere Schulen sind derzeit nicht gut aufgestellt. Viel zu selten bieten sie Gestaltungsspielraum.

This book is about freedom and the right to have an opinion. A concept that has been fought over for centuries. Whilst we think of Australia as being a free society, You Can't Say That! challenges this notion, arguing that the freedoms all Australians once enjoyed have been systematically eroded over last few decades, and how, as a nation, we must fight to get them back.

Thomas Paine was born in Great Britain; he came to America at the age of 37 for the first time. He is rightly considered to be the Anglo-American writer, philosopher, publicist, as well as "American godfather" for supporting separatist spirits and inspiring Americans to fight for their independence (at that very moment, the break between America and England was imminent). He described his thoughts in a wonderful tract Common Sense, that according to G. Washington, revolutionized the minds. Later, Thomas Paine's arguments were reflected in The Independence Declaration, written by Jefferson.

Reform or Revolution by Rosa Luxemburg is a seminal work in political theory that explores the fundamental question of whether social change is best achieved through gradual reforms or revolutionary upheavals. Luxemburg critically examines the limitations of reformist approaches within the capitalist system, arguing that true liberation requires a radical transformation of the existing socio-economic order. Through a nuanced analysis of class struggle, imperialism, and the dynamics of capitalism, Luxemburg presents a compelling argument that challenges prevailing notions of incremental change.

Too many Americans have been disenfranchised or faced needless barriers to vote. Part of the blame falls on the Constitution, which does not contain an affirmative right to vote. The Supreme Court has made matters worse by failing to protect voting rights and limiting Congress's ability to do so. The time has come for voters to take action and push for an amendment to the Constitution that would guarantee this right for all. Richard Hasen argues that American democracy can and should do better in assuring that all eligible voters can cast a meaningful vote that will be fairly counted.

Wie aus dem Ideal der Demokratie die Ideologie der Elitenherrschaft wurde Die Risiken und Gefahren der militärischen und ökologischen Zerstörung sind heute so groß, dass sie die menschliche Zivilisation schlechthin bedrohen. Die Herausforderung eine gute, lebenswerte und wohlgeordnete...

Bloomsbury presents The Wild Men by David Torrance, read by Nathaniel Priestley. A century ago a Labour government took power for the first time, meet the Wild Men who led the way... 'Thoroughly researched… brings superbly to life figures whom history should not have forgotten.' – Simon...

War Is a Racket is Marine General Smedley Butler's classic treatise on why wars are conducted, who profits from them, and who pays the price. Few people are as qualified as General Butler to advance the argument encapsulated in his book's sensational title. When War Is a Racket was first published in 1935, Butler was the most decorated American soldier of his time. He had led several successful military operations in the Caribbean and in Central America, as well as in Europe during the First World War.

Today, it looks as though we are going to lose our half-ass democracy because the voters in this country are sick and tired for voting for the same old same old time after time. It's every Tweedle-Dee or Tweedle-Dumb, while in the states we are allowed to lower our taxes and legalize marijuana. The people are wondering why we don't do this on the National Elections. The reason we don't is covered in this book as well as complete instructions on how we can start using National Ballot Measures in every federal election and create our own national laws and policies.

In the great revolutionary year of 1968, Tony Benn was a respectable Labour minister in his forties, and he was restless. While new social movements were shaking up Britain and much of the world, Westminster politics seemed stuck. It was time, he decided, for a different approach. Over the next half century, the radicalized Benn helped forge a new left in Britain. He was joined by four other politicians, who would become comrades, collaborators and rivals: Ken Livingstone, John McDonnell, Diane Abbott and Jeremy Corbyn.

Neste livro, os traços que o notabilizaram em obras anteriores aparecem em sua potência máxima. O tema escolhido não é trivial: simplesmente a encrenca em que o Brasil se meteu nos últimos tempos, que desaguou na eleição de um presidente avesso à democracia e na devastação do debate público, transformando adversários em inimigos e a arena de ideias num ringue de mentecaptos.