Showing titles in Philosophy

The Inevitable Revolution is an essay about abolishing the law of violence and replacing it with the law of love. It is a text on civil disobedience, pacifism, and anarchism, and it is Tolstoy's last non-fiction work detailing his final opinions on political, economic, and religious issues. In it, he criticizes prisons, parliaments, wars, conscription, capitalism, theft, revolutionary violence, and taxes, and praises Christianity's message of love as the solution to these problems; although he also recognizes the law of love in other religions.

Why We Hate tackles a pressing issue of both longstanding interest and fresh relevance: why a social species like Homo sapiens should nevertheless be so hateful to itself. We go to war and are prejudiced against our fellow human beings. We discriminate on the basis of nationality, class, race, sexual orientation, religion, and gender. Why are humans at once so social and so hateful to each other? In this book, Michael Ruse looks at scientific understandings of human hatred, particularly Darwinian evolutionary theory.

Originalism, the view that the meaning of a constitutional provision is fixed when it is adopted, was once the fringe theory of a few extremely conservative legal scholars but is now a well-accepted mode of constitutional interpretation. Noted legal scholar Erwin Chemerinsky gives a comprehensive analysis of the problems that make originalism unworkable as a method of constitutional interpretation. He argues that the framers themselves never intended constitutional interpretation to be inflexible and shows how it is often impossible to know the "original intent" of any provision.

There was a time when liberalism was an ism like any other, but that time, writes Michael Walzer, is gone. “Liberal” now conveys not a specific ideology but a moral stance, so the word is best conceived not as a noun but as an adjective—one is a “liberal democrat” or a “liberal nationalist.” Walzer itemizes the characteristics described by “liberal” in an inventory of his own deepest political and moral commitments—among other things, to the principle of equality, to the rule of law, and to a pluralism that is both political and cultural.

Hasta el coño de lo trans. Así está Elizabeth Duval. Cansada de ser la jovencísima activista antes que la escritora o la filósofa. Está harta y de ese mismo aborrecimiento nace la rabia que mueve este libro, el último de sus esfuerzos para desprenderse del sambenito de lo trans. Pero esto no es una autoficción ni mucho menos un panfleto que pueda repetirse sin digerir. Después de lo trans es un ensayo visceral y ambicioso que acierta en la médula de las guerras culturales e identitarias de nuestro siglo.

Democracy is in trouble. Populism is a common scapegoat, but not the root cause. More basic are social and economic transformations eroding the foundations of democracy, ruling elites trying to lock in their own privilege, and cultural perversions like making individualistic freedom the enemy of democracy's other crucial ideals of equality and solidarity. In Degenerations of Democracy, three of our most prominent intellectuals investigate democracy gone awry, locate our points of fracture, and suggest paths to democratic renewal.

Elisabeth R. Anker reckons with the complex legacy of freedom offered by liberal American democracy, outlining how the emphasis of individual liberty has always been entangled with white supremacy, settler colonialism, climate destruction, economic exploitation, and patriarchy. These "ugly freedoms" legitimate the right to exploit and subjugate others. At the same time, Anker locates an unexpected second type of ugly freedom in practices and situations, often dismissed as demeaning, offensive, gross, and ineffectual, but that provide sources of emancipatory potential.

"El hombre nace libre y, sin embargo, por todas partes se encuentra encadenado." En El contrato social, Rousseau explora el concepto de libertad y las estructuras políticas que pueden permitir que las personas la adquieran. Argumenta que el poder soberano de un estado no reside en ningún gobernante sino en la voluntad de la población en general. Rousseau argumenta que el estado ideal sería una democracia directa donde la toma de decisiones ejecutivas la llevan a cabo ciudadanos reunidos en asamblea, como lo harían en la antigua ciudad-estado de Atenas.

Was macht einen gerechten Staat aus? Was schafft Wohlstand, was Frieden, was müssen wir Menschen lernen? Unsere Box vereint diese Grundlagentexte der politischen Theorie: "Die Kunst des Krieges" (Sun Tzu), "Die Apologie des Sokrates" (Platon), "Der Fürst" (N. Machiavelli), "Der Weg zum Wohlstand" (B. Franklin), "Was ist Aufklärung?" (I. Kant), "Der hessische Landbote" (G. Büchner), "Das kommunistische Manifest" (K. Marx / F. Engels), "Die protestantische Ethik" (M. Weber).

As Elizabeth Anscombe, Philippa Foot, Mary Midgley, and Iris Murdoch labored to make a place for themselves in a male-dominated world, as they made friendships and families, and as they drifted toward and away from each other, they never stopped insisting that some lives are better than others. Drawing on a cluster of recently opened archives and extensive correspondence and interviews with those who knew them best, Benjamin Lipscomb traces the lives and ideas of four friends who gave us a better way to think about ethics, and ourselves.

In questa opera del 1884, il filosofo Herbert Spencer esprime il suo pensiero politico. La negazione di ogni interferenza dello Stato con la vita sociale (assistenzialismo, risoluzione conflitti sociali) fa di Spencer un sostenitore del liberalismo politico, anche se, contrariamente allo stereotipo che lo vede come un ultraconservatore, Spencer era simpatizzante delle istanze libertarie, anti-imperialista, anticoloniale, contrario alla schiavit in ogni sua forma, e sostenitore di un modello di produzione basato sulle cooperative piuttosto che sul lavoro salariato.

¿Cómo se alcanza el poder? ¿Cómo conservarlo? El poder cambia de forma o pasa de manos, pero siempre está ahí, muy presente. Nicolás Maquiavelo escribió 'El Príncipe' pensando en los gobernantes de su tiempo, pero, como el coronel Pedro Baños nos revela, sus ideas se pueden aplicar a lo que hoy llamamos líder, ya ejerza sus funciones en la política, en el terreno militar, en la empresa o incluso cuando se trata de un liderazgo social. 

Are contemporary soldiers exploited by the state and society that they defend? More specifically, have America's professional service members disproportionately carried the moral weight of America's war-fighting decisions since the inception of an all-volunteer force? In this volume, Michael J. Robillard and Bradley J. Strawser examine the question of whether and how American soldiers have been exploited in this way. Robillard and Strawser offer an original theory of "moral exploitation".

In 2020, COVID-19, the Australia bushfires, and other global threats served as vivid reminders that human and nonhuman fates are increasingly linked. Human use of nonhuman animals contributes to pandemics, climate change, and other global threats which, in turn, contribute to biodiversity loss, ecosystem collapse, and nonhuman suffering.

How much equality does democracy need to survive? Political thinkers have wrestled with that question for millennia. Aldo Schiavone guides us through historical thickets, from the first democracy to the present day, seeking solutions to the enduring tension between democracy and inequality. Turning from antiquity to the modern world, Schiavone shows how the American and the French revolutions attempted to settle old debates, introducing a new way of thinking about equality. 

Noch immer von allen Studenten des wirtschaftlichen Managements zu lesen: Clausewitzens Klassiker über die Kriegsführung. Insbesondere das erste Kapitel beinhaltet die zentralen Thesen, nach denen beispielsweise der Krieg lediglich die "Fortsetzung der Politik mit anderen Mitteln" sei.

Barack Obama famously said that the purpose of social movements is to get a seat at the table. However, as Deva Woodly argues in Reckoning—a sweeping account of the meaning and purpose of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL)—the value of such movements is something much more profound: they are necessary for the health and survival of democracy. Drawing from on-the-ground interviews with activists in the movement, Woodly analyzes the emergence of the M4BL, its organizational structure and culture, and its strategies and tactics. 

America is at an important turning point. Remote warfare is not just a mainstay of post–9/11 wars, it is a harbinger of what lies ahead—a future of high-tech, artificial intelligence–enabled, and autonomous weapons systems that raise a host of new ethical questions. Most fundamentally, is...

A masterpiece of American individualism, Henry David Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience is considered by many to be one of the most important pieces of political and philosophical writings ever produced by an American. Thoreau wrote the essay because of his opposition to slavery and the Mexican-American War. When the government engages in actions that are unjust, he believed that citizens should completely withdraw their support of the government and stop paying taxes, even if it results in imprisonment or violence.

In 1848, The Communist Manifesto was published by two émigrés from Germany. Marx and Engels' apocalyptic vision of an insatiable system that penetrates every corner of the world reduces every relationship to that of profit, and burst asunder the old forms of production and of politics. It is still a recognisable picture of our world—the vampiric energy of the system being once again highly contentious. This is a strikingly imaginative take on Marx and what his most haunting book has to say to us today.