Showing results for "Ideology" in Social Classes & Economic Disparity

Economists regularly promote Capitalism as the greatest system ever to grace the planet. With the same breath, they implore us to leave the job of understanding the magical powers of the market to the "experts." Despite the efforts of these mainstream commentators to convince us otherwise, many of us have begun to question why this system has produced such vast inequality and wanton disregard for its own environmental destruction. This book offers answers to exactly these questions on their own terms: in the form of a radical economic theory.

This is volume two—what Henry George called "the Solution to the Problem". This landmark treatise by the great economist Henry George was first published in 1879. George's work became the seminal analysis of the political economy which inspired most, if not all, the prominent thinkers of the Progressive Movement and many others of great influence: Upton Sinclair, John Dewey, George Bernard Shaw, Friedrich Hayek, H. G. Wells, Clarence Darrow, and Leo Tolstoy, to name but a few. His analyses and proposals are referred to as "Georgism".

Capitalism as a system has spawned deepening economic crisis alongside its bought-and-paid-for political establishment. Neither serves the needs of our society. Whether it is secure, well-paid, and meaningful jobs or a sustainable relationship with the natural environment that we depend on, our society is not delivering the results people need and deserve.

¿Qué le sucede a la izquierda actual? ¿Por qué parece más preocupada por cuestiones como el ecologismo (un falso ecologismo) o un feminismo que es todo menos igualdad en vez de por los problemas que sufre una clase trabajadora cada vez más asfixiada? Este ensayo histórico y manifiesto político explica por qué amplias mayorías sociales están apostando cada vez más por opciones de derecha radical en diferentes países occidentales, especialmente en Europa, en detrimento de una izquierda perdida en su propia indefinición y entregada a los intereses de las grandes corporaciones.

For all the attempts to understand the state of American politics and the blue/red divide, we've ignored what economic and cultural loss can do to pride. What happens, Arlie Russell Hochschild asks, when a proud people in a hard-hit region suffer the deep loss of pride and are confronted with a powerful political appeal that makes it feel "stolen"? Hochschild's research drew her to Pikeville, Kentucky, in the heart of Appalachia, within the whitest and second-poorest congressional district in the nation.

Between 1920 and 1950, America saw an unprecedented expansion of wealth and power underwritten by technological innovation, cultural confidence, and victory in war. American elites won World War II, rebuilt the world order with America at its head, inaugurated the jet age, and put a man on the moon. The boom led to a larger, richer middle class that confirmed America’s best ideals. By the early 1970s, that ended. American elites have captured a disproportionate share of the social and economic rewards over the last fifty years.

Thomas Piketty über soziale Ungleichtheit und globale Gerechtigkeit. "Das ist ja interessant, was Sie schreiben, aber können Sie es vielleicht auch kürzer sagen?" Diese Frage ist Thomas Piketty, der mit seinem umfangreichen Bestseller "Das Kapital im 21. Jahrhundert" eine internationale Debatte über die Ursachen sozialer Ungleichheit in Gang gebracht hat, oft gestellt worden. Piketty hat diese Bitten ernst genommen und das Ergebnis ist eine Weltgeschichte der sozialen Konflikte und Konstellationen und eine Lektion in globaler Gerechtigkeit.

Millionen Menschen haben ihren Job verloren. Doch der Aktienmarkt boomt. Hunderttausende Mittelständler sind in finanzielle Not geraten. Doch der DAX erreicht Rekordwerte. In unserem Wirtschaftssystem läuft etwas gewaltig schief - und es wird noch schlimmer kommen, wenn wir nicht endlich den Hebel umlegen. Norbert Häring zeigt, wie einflussreiche Unternehmen die Corona-Krise nutzen, um ihre Macht zu zementieren und eine lang geplante Agenda zur digitalen Kontrolle umsetzen. Zeit für ein neues System, das allen dient, nicht einer kleinen Elite.

O Marxismo Desmascarado reúne a transcrição das nove palestras ministradas, em 1952, por Ludwig von Mises na Biblioteca Pública de São Francisco. Em seu característico estilo didático e agradável, o autor refuta as ideias marxistas em seus aspectos históricos, econômicos, políticos e culturais. A crítica misesiana ressalta não apenas os problemas econômicos do marxismo, mas, também, discute outras questões correlatas a esta doutrina, como a negação do individualismo, o nacionalismo, o conflito de classes, a revolução violenta e a manipulação humana.

From the inquisitive layperson to the professional economist or policymaker, The Inequality Paradox is essential listening for understanding the global economy in its present state. McWilliams is a fresh, authoritative voice entering the global discussion, making this book indispensable in preparing for the imminent economic challenges of our changing world.

An engaging, polemical romp through economic theory, computational complexity, and the history of planning, The People's Republic of Walmart revives the conversation about how society can extend democratic decision-making to all economic matters. With the advances in information technology in recent decades and the emergence of globe-straddling collective enterprises, democratic planning in the interest of all humanity is more important and closer to attainment than ever before.

We've all heard that the American Dream is vanishing, and that the cause is rising income inequality. The rich are getting richer by rigging the system in their favor, leaving the rest of us to struggle just to keep our heads above water. To save the American Dream, we're told that we need to fight inequality through tax hikes, wealth redistribution schemes, and a far higher minimum wage.

We are told that, when we vote and elect representatives, we gain a voice in government and its policies. Yet, it hasn't translated our preferences into higher living standards for the majority of us. In America, the wealthy few have built a system that works in their favor, while maintaining the illusion of democracy. American voters have little influence on policies engineered by lawmakers. Political scientists call it the "income bias", causing lawmakers to compete to satisfy preferences of donors from the top one percent instead of the middle class.

The publication in 1848 of The Communist Manifesto came at a time when industrialization was reaching its peak, and signs of the cost to the working class blatant; the Revolutions of 1848 were just getting under way. Marx and Engels shared the belief that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles" and this notion formed a central part of the manifesto they crafted together. They believed that industrialization was simply a new form of struggle among the classes - the price paid by the lower class still high.

Voici 3 textes de Jean Jaurès : "Idéalisme et matérialisme", "Discours à la jeunesse" et "République et Socialisme". Ces 3 textes forts permettent de comprendre la pensée et les idées d'un des plus grands hommes politiques français, dont les convictions et les valeurs socialistes sont fondatrices de notre vie démocratique actuelle.

Around the world, populist movements are gaining traction among the white working class. Meanwhile, members of the professional elite - journalists, managers, and establishment politicians - are on the outside looking in, left to argue over the reasons. Williams explains that many people have conflated "working class" with "poor" - but the working class is, in fact, the elusive, purportedly disappearing middle class. They often resent the poor and the professionals alike. But they don't resent the truly rich.